In the 14 November Sri Lankan parliamentary elections, the minority Tamils broke away from ethnic parties and supported the all-island, left-wing National Peoples’ Power (NPP) in a tectonic political shift. 

As predicted by most, the National Peoples’ Power (NPP) swept the Sinhala-dominated areas of Sri Lanka in the 14 November parliamentary elections. The NPP had a reputation as a Sinhala nationalist party, and its fortunes were on the upswing due to the alienation of other national parties from the public.

What came as a surprise, however, was the NPP’s sterling performance in the Tamil and Muslim-dominated areas of North and East Sri Lanka. Breaking with a seven-decade tradition, Sri Lankan Tamils flocked to the all-island National Peoples’ Power (NPP) party instead of ethnic Tamil parties, including the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK).

Concern for good governance appears to have been a significant factor. Mobilisation on traditional Tamil political issues like provincial autonomy through the full implementation of the 13th Amendment and accountability for alleged war crimes had weakened. Instead, faith was reposed in the NPP’s promise to deliver a clean, people-oriented government.

The NPP eclipsed the Tamils’ favoured party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), and emerged as the number one choice in many electorates in the Tamil and Muslim-dominated Northern and Eastern provinces.

The NPP’s performance was particularly impressive, especially taking into account the fact that the party was a complete “outsider” to the area. It was a “Sinhalese” party with no presence at all in the Tamil-dominated North ever before.

For most of its history, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the core of the NPP, had campaigned against devolving power to the Tamils. It was staunchly opposed to the 13th Amendment and rejected Tamil allegations of “war crimes” against the armed forces.

Even in its election manifesto, the NPP did not commit to addressing any of the traditional Tamil demands. It merely stated that all issues of national importance would be addressed when the new parliament discusses a new constitution for the country.

NPP’s dominance in North and East

In Vaddukoddai, in Jaffna district, which had been an ITAK stronghold, the NPP got the single largest number of votes — 21.5%. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) came second with 13.48%, and the ITAK came third with 13.39%.

In Kankesanthurai, the NPP also led with 13.37% of the votes. The ITAK secured 12.57%, while the ACTC garnered 7.15%. In Manipay, the NPP topped the polls with 30.94%, and the ITAK came second with 13.49%. In Koppai, the NPP secured 29.86%, while the ITAK managed 12.63%. The scores in Udupiddy were NPP with 20.16% and ITAK with 15.07%.

In Point Pedro, the NPP came first with 21.89%, and the ITAK followed with 19.71%. In Nallur, a Hindu stronghold, the NPP emerged first with 31.44%, while the ITAK came third with 11.49%. In Jaffna proper, the NPP led with 41.46%, and the ITAK came second with 11.81%.

However, in Kayts, the NPP received fewer votes than the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP). In Chavakachcheri, an Independent Group received the maximum number of votes.

In Kilinochchi, the pocket borough of ITAK President S. Sritharan, the ITAK bagged 43.79% of the votes and came first, while the NPP came second with 16.39%.

In Kalkuda in Batticaloa district, located in the Eastern Province, the ITAK was the top scorer with 28.10%. However, in Batticaloa town, the NPP led with 27.11%, with the ITAK and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) slightly behind. In Paddiruppu, the stronghold of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP), the NPP stood third.

In Trincomalee district, which is ethnically mixed, the NPP secured the largest percentage of votes in both Seruvila and Trincomalee town, cornering 56% and 40% respectively. In Mutur, the NPP came second to the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB).

In Digamadulla (Ampara) district, the NPP was the top scorer in Amparai town, Sammanthurai, and Kalmunai. It came second to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in Pottuvil.

NPP’s Tamil winners

Though a hardline Sinhala party, the NPP fielded Tamil candidates in areas where Tamils were concentrated and secured victories for many of them. In Nuwara Eliya, the NPP’s candidate, Krishnan Kalaiselvi, was one of the winners. In Matara, deep in the Sinhala South, an NPP Tamil candidate, Saroja Savithri Paulraj, was among those elected.

In the Wanni, the NPP managed to get two of its Tamil candidates elected out of the six seats up for grabs. In Batticaloa, its candidate, K. Prabhu, won one of the five seats. In Badulla, the NPP had two Tamil candidates elected — K. Selvaraj and S. Ambika — in the nine-seat electoral district. In Ratnapura, the NPP’s S. Pradeep was elected to one of the 11 seats.

In Jaffna, three of the NPP’s candidates (all Tamils) won. The ITAK and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress secured only one seat each.

Ethnic nationalisms on the backburner       

While the NPP did not play up Sinhala nationalism in its campaign, the Tamil parties emphasised Tamil nationalist demands like federalism, accountability for alleged wartime atrocities, vacation of military-occupied lands, and the full implementation of the 13th Amendment for greater power devolution.

But a substantial section of voters appeared to have overlooked the contentious ethnic issues and instead supported better governance, less corruption, and more people-centred development, which were promised by the NPP.

Tamils voted for the NPP despite the fact that the party’s election manifesto had nothing to say on the Tamils’ ethnic issues as such. It promised a new constitution, but left the details vague, leaving the issue to be tackled by the new parliament.

Though this was neither here nor there, the Tamils voted for the NPP because their focus had shifted elsewhere—towards their deteriorating economic circumstances caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic crisis of 2022. They were desperately in need of a government that would provide them with some relief.

It is not clear how the NPP government will bring relief to the people, given the lack of financial resources, dependence on foreign aid, and debt repayment obligations.

Ahilan Kadirgamar, a professor at the University of Jaffna, told Frontline magazine that the lands released from military occupation in the Northern Province could be developed by local cooperatives, with a local village-level official drawing up plans for their development and use. Development of this kind would be “bottom-up” and not “top-down,” as is the case now. Development efforts would then be more effective.

Most importantly, the NPP, being a hard-core Sinhalese or Sri Lankan nationalist party, can take bold steps to bring about ethnic reconciliation because it cannot be accused of being anti-Sinhala or anti-Sri Lankan, as Kadirgamar pointed out.

The Tamils could make use of the window of opportunity now open to realise their reasonable demands within the framework of Sri Lanka’s constitution.